Es ist ein klassisches Auslegespiel, das heißt wer zuerst alle Karten ablegen kann gewinnt. Übersicht: Regeln; Spielanleitung; Blatt; Spickzettel; International. Mau. Also, hier zum Einstieg die Basics des Mau-Mau-Spiels in Kurzfassung für besonders eilige Leser: Gespielt wird mit mindestens 32 Karten und mindestens zwei. Unsere Tochter (2,5) kannte bislang keine Kartenspiele. Die Anleitung ist leicht verständlich und naja, noch spielen wir Mau Mau mit offenen Karten, vielleicht liegt.
Kinder Mau MauÜber Kinder Mau Mau. Bei diesem Klassiker versucht jeder Spieler, seine Karten loszuwerden. Dabei dürfen Karten in der gleichen Tierart, Farbe oder Anzahl. Es ist ein klassisches Auslegespiel, das heißt wer zuerst alle Karten ablegen kann gewinnt. Übersicht: Regeln; Spielanleitung; Blatt; Spickzettel; International. Mau. Mau-Mau ist ein Kartenspiel für zwei und mehr Spieler, bei dem es darum geht, seine Karten möglichst schnell abzulegen. Die Namen und Regeln sind regional.
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Litebit Wallet. - Gute Laune mit Phantasie…Neuer Wunschzettel. Author Wangari Maathai indicates that inthree out of every four Kikuyu men were in detention, and that land Litebit Wallet taken from detainees and given to collaborators. Inthe poisonous latex Lottogewinn Auszahlung Wie Lange the African milk bush was used by members of Mau Mau to Flasgames cattle in an incident of biological Lotto 15.04.20. Retrieved 21 July
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The actions attributed to the Mau Mau caused the colonial government to proclaim a state of emergency from October until and also resulted in a massive relocation of Africans, particularly Kikuyu.
Kenyatta and other Africans were charged with directing the Mau…. On October 21, , Kenyatta was arrested on charges of having directed the Mau Mau movement.
During the Mau Mau rebellion of the s, however, the British colonial government moved the Kikuyu into villages for reasons of security.
The economic advantages of village settlement and land consolidation led many Kikuyu to continue this arrangement after the emergency was ended.
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Get Word of the Day delivered to your inbox! Sign Up. Scarcity of land, especially in Central Province, remained a major African grievance against the colonial government and white settlers.
Hence, the attainment of fertile land, which signified general economic welfare and prosperity for African families, was a major objective of the revolt.
To this must be added the demand for vastly expanded opportunities in education, training, housing, and employment. From , when it was formed, until , when it was banned, KAU was the preeminent African political organization in Kenya.
By none of its leaders, including Kenyatta, expected Kenya to achieve its political freedom during their lifetime. One of the distinguishing features of the Mau Mau is that it remains perhaps the only major nationalist revolutionary movement to have been led almost entirely by peasants, many of them illiterate.
The movement had no external sources of political or material support. Even the British government arrived at this conclusion, having determined that the Soviet Embassy in Addis Ababa , Ethiopia , had not provided any help whatsoever to the revolt or even established any verifiable contacts.
The movement also lacked any propaganda machinery to spread its message beyond Central Province. Together with the British government in London, the colonial government in Nairobi took advantage of this weakness, and launched a harsh and effective propaganda campaign against the Mau Mau and Kenyan nationalism.
The revolt was portrayed as irrational, and as a reversion to primitive savagery by Africans traumatized by the stress of modern Western civilization.
The British government firmly maintained the position that the revolt was not caused by economic conditions, but rather an organized criminal enterprise.
In the West, major newspapers and magazines carried stories on the Mau Mau that reinforced British propaganda.
For four years from October to , the Mau Mau guerrillas operated from the forests of Mount Kenya and the Aberdares.
One of the most celebrated leaders of the Mau Mau was Dedan Kimathi, who was based in the Aberdares, and who sought, in and , to establish some unity among the various guerrilla units operating in the forests.
These efforts did not succeed, and as a result the Mau Mau never had an overall leader or commander. Members of these groups would emerge triumphant in the post-emergency period.
The rehabilitation campaign was carried out in the detention camps and even in the Kikuyu reserve. Its objective was to get the detained and arrested Kikuyu to renounce the Mau Mau and its radicalism.
Christian religious indoctrination, sanctioned by the colonial government, played a major role in the rehabilitation process.
Although defeated militarily, the Mau Mau revolt was clearly instrumental in forcing the British government to undertake immediate political reforms.
These reforms included the reinstatement of African political parties in , and then the promulgation of several constitutional reforms that eventually led to the attainment of political independence on December 12, The legacy of the Mau Mau revolt in Kenya remains a very complex and controversial subject.
The controversy revolves around the following issues: What role did the revolt play in the decolonization of Kenya?
Did Mau Mau bring Uhuru? From the start, the land was the primary British interest in Kenya,  which had "some of the richest agricultural soils in the world, mostly in districts where the elevation and climate make it possible for Europeans to reside permanently".
Even before , however, Britain's presence in Kenya was marked by dispossession and violence. Hiram Maxim ". Opposition to British imperialism existed from the start of British occupation.
The most notable include the Nandi Resistance of —;  the Giriama Uprising of —;  the women's revolt against forced labour in Murang'a in ;  and the Kolloa Affray of One hundred and sixty Gusii have now been killed outright without any further casualties on our side.
It looks like a butchery. If the H. Surely it cannot be necessary to go on killing these defenceless people on such an enormous scale.
Settler societies during the colonial period could own a disproportionate share of land. Until the mids, the two primary complaints were low native Kenyan wages and the requirement to carry an identity document, the kipande.
The Commission reported in , but its conclusions, recommendations and concessions to Kenyans were so conservative that any chance of a peaceful resolution to native Kenyan land-hunger was ended.
This tribe was moved backwards and forwards so as to secure for the Crown areas which could be granted to Europeans. The Kikuyu, who lived in the Kiambu , Nyeri and Murang'a areas of what became Central Province, were one of the ethnic groups most affected by the colonial government's land expropriation and European settlement;  by , they had had over The colonial government and white farmers also wanted cheap labour  which, for a period, the government acquired from native Kenyans through force.
Native Kenyan labourers were in one of three categories: squatter , contract , or casual. In the early s, though, despite the presence of , squatters and tens of thousands more wage labourers,  there was still not enough native Kenyan labour available to satisfy the settlers' needs.
The colonial government used the measures brought in as part of its land expropriation and labour 'encouragement' efforts to craft the third plank of its growth strategy for its settler economy: subordinating African farming to that of the Europeans.
The resentment of colonial rule would not have been decreased by the wanting provision of medical services for native Kenyans,  nor by the fact that in , for example, "the maximum amount that could be considered to have been spent on services provided exclusively for the benefit of the native population was slightly over one-quarter of the taxes paid by them".
Kenyan employees were often poorly treated by their European employers, with some settlers arguing that native Kenyans "were as children and should be treated as such".
Some settlers flogged their servants for petty offences. To make matters even worse, native Kenyan workers were poorly served by colonial labour-legislation and a prejudiced legal-system.
The vast majority of Kenyan employees' violations of labour legislation were settled with "rough justice" meted out by their employers.
Most colonial magistrates appear to have been unconcerned by the illegal practice of settler-administered flogging; indeed, during the s, flogging was the magisterial punishment-of-choice for native Kenyan convicts.
The principle of punitive sanctions against workers was not removed from the Kenyan labour statutes until the s.
As a result of the situation in the highlands and growing job opportunities in the cities, thousands of Kikuyu migrated into cities in search of work, contributing to the doubling of Nairobi 's population between and Mau Mau were the militant wing of a growing clamour for political representation and freedom in Kenya.
The first attempt to form a countrywide political party began on 1 October Harry Thuku was the first chairman, but he soon resigned. Author Wangari Maathai writes that many of the organizers were ex-soldiers who fought for the British in Ceylon, Somalia, and Burma during the second World War.
When they returned to Kenya, they were never paid and did not receive recognition for their service, whereas their British counterparts were awarded medals and received land, sometimes from the Kenyan veterans.
The failure of KAU to attain any significant reforms or redress of grievances from the colonial authorities shifted the political initiative to younger and more militant figures within the native Kenyan trade union movement, among the squatters on the settler estates in the Rift Valley and in KAU branches in Nairobi and the Kikuyu districts of central province.
His assassination gave Baring the final impetus to request permission from the Colonial Office to declare a State of Emergency.
When attacks did commence they were fast and brutal, as insurgents were easily able to identify loyalists because they were often local to those communities themselves.
The Lari massacre was by comparison rather outstanding and in contrast to regular Mau Mau strikes which more often than not targeted only loyalists without such massive civilian casualties.
The Mau Mau command, contrary to the Home Guard who were stigmatised as "the running dogs of British Imperialism",  were relatively well educated.
General Gatunga had previously been a respected and well read Christian teacher in his local Kikuyu community. He was known to meticulously record his attacks in a series of five notebooks, which when executed were often swift and strategic, targeting loyalist community leaders he had previously known as a teacher.
The Mau Mau military strategy was mainly guerrilla attacks launched under the cover of dark. They used stolen weapons such as guns, as well as weapons such as machetes and bows and arrows in their attacks.
In a few limited cases, they also deployed biological weapons. Women formed a core part of the Mau Mau, especially in maintaining supply lines.
Initially able to avoid the suspicion, they moved through colonial spaces and between Mau Mau hideouts and strongholds, to deliver vital supplies and services to guerrilla fighters including food, ammunition, medical care, and of course, information.
The British and international view was that Mau Mau was a savage, violent, and depraved tribal cult, an expression of unrestrained emotion rather than reason.
Mau Mau was "perverted tribalism" that sought to take the Kikuyu people back to "the bad old days" before British rule. Not for the first time,  the British instead relied on the purported insights of the ethnopsychiatrist; with Mau Mau, it fell to Dr.
John Colin Carothers to perform the desired analysis. This ethnopsychiatric analysis guided British psychological warfare, which painted Mau Mau as "an irrational force of evil, dominated by bestial impulses and influenced by world communism", and the later official study of the uprising, the Corfield Report.
The psychological war became of critical importance to military and civilian leaders who tried to "emphasise that there was in effect a civil war, and that the struggle was not black versus white", attempting to isolate Mau Mau from the Kikuyu, and the Kikuyu from the rest of the colony's population and the world outside.
In driving a wedge between Mau Mau and the Kikuyu generally, these propaganda efforts essentially played no role, though they could apparently claim an important contribution to the isolation of Mau Mau from the non-Kikuyu sections of the population.
By the mids, the view of Mau Mau as simply irrational activists was being challenged by memoirs of former members and leaders that portrayed Mau Mau as an essential, if radical, component of African nationalism in Kenya and by academic studies that analysed the movement as a modern and nationalist response to the unfairness and oppression of colonial domination.
There continues to be vigorous debate within Kenyan society and among the academic community within and without Kenya regarding the nature of Mau Mau and its aims, as well as the response to and effects of the uprising.
Wunyabari O. Maloba regards the rise of the Mau Mau movement as "without doubt, one of the most important events in recent African history". This earlier work cast the Mau Mau war in strictly bipolar terms, "as conflicts between anti-colonial nationalists and colonial collaborators".
Broadly speaking, throughout Kikuyu history, there have been two traditions: moderate-conservative and radical.
Bruce Berman argues that, "While Mau Mau was clearly not a tribal activism seeking a return to the past, the answer to the question of 'was it nationalism?
Philip Mitchell retired as Kenya's governor in summer , having turned a blind eye to Mau Mau's increasing activity.
The British army accepted the gravity of the uprising months before the politicians, but its appeals to London and Nairobi were ignored. Aside from military operations against Mau Mau fighters in the forests, the British attempt to defeat the movement broadly came in two stages: the first, relatively limited in scope, came during the period in which they had still failed to accept the seriousness of the revolt; the second came afterwards.
During the first stage, the British tried to decapitate the movement by declaring a State of Emergency before arresting alleged Mau Mau leaders see Operation Jock Scott below and subjecting six of them to a show trial the Kapenguria Six ; the second stage began in earnest in , when they undertook a series of major economic, military and penal initiatives.
The second stage had three main planks: a large military-sweep of Nairobi leading to the internment of tens of thousands of the city's suspected Mau Mau members and sympathisers see Operation Anvil below ; the enacting of major agrarian reform the Swynnerton Plan ; and the institution of a vast villagisation programme for more than a million rural Kikuyu see below.
In , the UK government accepted that prisoners had suffered "torture and ill-treatment at the hands of the colonial administration".
The harshness of the British response was inflated by two factors. First, the settler government in Kenya was, even before the insurgency, probably the most openly racist one in the British empire, with the settlers' violent prejudice attended by an uncompromising determination to retain their grip on power  and half-submerged fears that, as a tiny minority, they could be overwhelmed by the indigenous population.
Resistance to both the Mau Mau and the British response was illustrated by Ciokaraine M'Barungu who famously asked that the British colonial forces not destroy the food used by her villagers, potentially starving the entire region.
Instead, she urged the colonial forces guard the yams and bananas and stop the Mau Mau from killing any more residents. A variety of persuasive techniques were initiated by the colonial authorities to punish and break Mau Mau's support: Baring ordered punitive communal-labour, collective fines and other collective punishments, and further confiscation of land and property.
By early , tens of thousands of head of livestock had been taken, and were allegedly never returned. On 20 October , Governor Baring signed an order declaring a state of emergency.
Thus, while the moderates on the wanted list awaited capture, the real militants, such as Dedan Kimathi and Stanley Mathenge both later principal leaders of Mau Mau's forest armies , fled to the forests.
The day after the round up, another prominent loyalist chief, Nderi, was hacked to pieces,  and a series of gruesome murders against settlers were committed throughout the months that followed.
For the next year, the Service's A. MacDonald would reorganise the Special Branch of the Kenya Police, promote collaboration with Special Branches in adjacent territories, and oversee coordination of all intelligence activity "to secure the intelligence Government requires".
In January , six of the most prominent detainees from Jock Scott, including Kenyatta, were put on trial , primarily to justify the declaration of the Emergency to critics in London.
Native Kenyan political activity was permitted to resume at the end of the military phase of the Emergency.
The onset of the Emergency led hundreds, and eventually thousands, of Mau Mau adherents to flee to the forests, where a decentralised leadership had already begun setting up platoons.
By September , the British knew the leading personalities in Mau Mau, and the capture and 68 hour interrogation of General China on 15 January the following year provided a massive intelligence boost on the forest fighters.
Once gangs had been driven out and eliminated, loyalist forces and police were then to take over the area, with military support brought in thereafter only to conduct any required pacification operations.
After their successful dispersion and containment, Erskine went after the forest fighters' source of supplies, money and recruits, i. This took the form of Operation Anvil, which commenced on 24 April By , Nairobi was regarded as the nerve centre of Mau Mau operations.
All native Kenyans were taken to temporary barbed-wire enclosures. Those who were not Kikuyu, Embu or Meru were released; those who were remained in detention for screening.
Whilst the operation itself was conducted by Europeans, most suspected members of Mau Mau were picked out of groups of the Kikuyu-Embu-Meru detainees by a native Kenyan informer.
Male suspects were then taken off for further screening, primarily at Langata Screening Camp, whilst women and children were readied for 'repatriation' to the reserves many of those slated for deportation had never set foot in the reserves before.
Anvil lasted for two weeks, after which the capital had been cleared of all but certifiably loyal Kikuyu; 20, Mau Mau suspects had been taken to Langata, and 30, more had been deported to the reserves.
For an extended period of time, the chief British weapon against the forest fighters was air power. Between June and October , the RAF provided a significant contribution to the conflict—and, indeed, had to, for the army was preoccupied with providing security in the reserves until January , and it was the only service capable of both psychologically influencing and inflicting considerable casualties on the Mau Mau fighters operating in the dense forests.
Lack of timely and accurate intelligence meant bombing was rather haphazard, but almost insurgents had been killed or wounded by air attacks by June , and it did cause forest gangs to disband, lower their morale, and induce their pronounced relocation from the forests to the reserves.
At first armed Harvard training aircraft were used, for direct ground support and also some camp interdiction. Some light aircraft of the Police Air Wing also provided support.
After the Lari massacre, for example, British planes dropped leaflets showing graphic pictures of the Kikuyu women and children who had been hacked to death.
Unlike the rather indiscriminate activities of British ground forces, the use of air power was more restrained though there is disagreement  on this point , and air attacks were initially permitted only in the forests.
Operation Mushroom extended bombing beyond the forest limits in May , and Churchill consented to its continuation in January Baring knew the massive deportations to the already-overcrowded reserves could only make things worse.
Refusing to give more land to the Kikuyu in the reserves, which could have been seen as a concession to Mau Mau, Baring turned instead in to Roger Swynnerton, Kenya's assistant director of agriculture.
The projected costs of the Swynnerton Plan were too high for the cash-strapped colonial government, so Baring tweaked repatriation and augmented the Swynnerton Plan with plans for a massive expansion of the Pipeline coupled with a system of work camps to make use of detainee labour.
All Kikuyu employed for public works projects would now be employed on Swynnerton's poor-relief programmes, as would many detainees in the work camps.
When the mass deportations of Kikuyu to the reserves began in , Baring and Erskine ordered all Mau Mau suspects to be screened.
Of the scores of screening camps which sprang up, only fifteen were officially sanctioned by the colonial government.
Larger detention camps were divided into compounds. The screening centres were staffed by settlers who had been appointed temporary district-officers by Baring.
Thomas Askwith, the official tasked with designing the British 'detention and rehabilitation' programme during the summer and autumn of , termed his system the Pipeline.
The Pipeline operated a white-grey-black classification system: 'whites' were cooperative detainees, and were repatriated back to the reserves; 'greys' had been oathed but were reasonably compliant, and were moved down the Pipeline to works camps in their local districts before release; and 'blacks' were the so-called 'hard core' of Mau Mau.
These were moved up the Pipeline to special detention camps. Thus a detainee's position in Pipeline was a straightforward reflection of how cooperative the Pipeline personnel deemed her or him to be.
Cooperation was itself defined in terms of a detainee's readiness to confess their Mau Mau oath. Detainees were screened and re-screened for confessions and intelligence, then re-classified accordingly.
A detainee's journey between two locations along the Pipeline could sometimes last days. During transit, there was frequently little or no food and water provided, and seldom any sanitation.
Once in camp, talking was forbidden outside the detainees' accommodation huts, though improvised communication was rife. Such communication included propaganda and disinformation, which went by such names as the Kinongo Times , designed to encourage fellow detainees not to give up hope and so to minimise the number of those who confessed their oath and cooperated with camp authorities.
Forced labour was performed by detainees on projects like the thirty-seven-mile-long South Yatta irrigation furrow. During the first year after Operation Anvil, colonial authorities had little success in forcing detainees to cooperate.
Camps and compounds were overcrowded, forced-labour systems were not yet perfected, screening teams were not fully coordinated, and the use of torture was not yet systematised.
Officials could scarcely process them all, let alone get them to confess their oaths. Assessing the situation in the summer of , Alan Lennox-Boyd wrote of his "fear that the net figure of detainees may still be rising.
If so the outlook is grim. It was possible for detainees to bribe guards in order to obtain items or stay punishment.
By late , however, the Pipeline had become a fully operational, well-organised system. Guards were regularly shifted around the Pipeline too in order to prevent relationships developing with detainees and so undercut the black markets, and inducements and punishments became better at discouraging fraternising with the enemy.
Most detainees confessed, and the system produced ever greater numbers of spies and informers within the camps, while others switched sides in a more open, official fashion, leaving detention behind to take an active role in interrogations, even sometimes administering beatings.
The most famous example of side-switching was Peter Muigai Kenyatta—Jomo Kenyatta's son—who, after confessing, joined screeners at Athi River Camp, later travelling throughout the Pipeline to assist in interrogations.
While oathing, for practical reasons, within the Pipeline was reduced to an absolute minimum, as many new initiates as possible were oathed.
A newcomer who refused to take the oath often faced the same fate as a recalcitrant outside the camps: they were murdered.
Commandants were told to clamp down hard on intra-camp oathing, with several commandants hanging anyone suspected of administering oaths.
Even as the Pipeline became more sophisticated, detainees still organised themselves within it, setting up committees and selecting leaders for their camps, as well as deciding on their own "rules to live by".
Perhaps the most famous compound leader was Josiah Mwangi Kariuki. Punishments for violating the "rules to live by" could be severe.
European missionaries and native Kenyan Christians played their part by visiting camps to evangelise and encourage compliance with the colonial authorities, providing intelligence, and sometimes even assisting in interrogation.
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